New Research in Global Political Economy
https://kobra.uni-kassel.de:443/handle/123456789/2008010719914
2024-03-29T14:34:39ZForeign Capital and Economic Development
https://kobra.uni-kassel.de:443/handle/123456789/14911
The Irish political economy is notable for the sustained and central role of foreign investment in driving economic growth, notably via the commercial activities of multinational corporations, and more recently financial services. Beginning in the 1950s, the Irish state began to move away from its protectionist policies of import-substituting industrialization, and transitioned towards a liberalized, export-led industrialization model of economic growth in order to achieve its developmental catch-up. This has resulted in the continued influx of foreign capital becoming a key pillar in the state’s strategy to establish Ireland as a competitive, attractive location in the global economy. Yet, despite the clear material advancement and higher overall societal well-being that has ultimately been achieved since the emergence of this broad framework, debates have persisted regarding the extent to which the Irish growth model provides the foundation for sustainable and equitable economic development. In light of this, this paper, taking the Celtic Tiger period and subsequent recovery period as a case study, explores the reasons behind the successful stabilization and reproduction of the Irish growth model. Drawing on regulationist and neo-Gramscian perspectives, and utilizing historical-materialist policy analysis and critical discourse analysis approaches, it investigates both the durability of Irish economic growth driven by foreign investment, and the resilience of neoliberalism in steering both policymaking and public discourse in the Irish state. This study demonstrates that despite the severity of the Irish economic crisis between the late-2000s and early-2010s, Irish neoliberal orthodoxy – understood as neoliberal hegemony – ultimately endured. In explaining this, it points to economic path dependency; the strategies of the political elites and the media; the broader international context; and the lack of viable opposition as key factors in the ultimate stabilization and reproduction of Ireland’s neoliberal, foreign-led model of capitalist development.
2023-07-01T00:00:00ZBourke, Finn PatrickThe Irish political economy is notable for the sustained and central role of foreign investment in driving economic growth, notably via the commercial activities of multinational corporations, and more recently financial services. Beginning in the 1950s, the Irish state began to move away from its protectionist policies of import-substituting industrialization, and transitioned towards a liberalized, export-led industrialization model of economic growth in order to achieve its developmental catch-up. This has resulted in the continued influx of foreign capital becoming a key pillar in the state’s strategy to establish Ireland as a competitive, attractive location in the global economy. Yet, despite the clear material advancement and higher overall societal well-being that has ultimately been achieved since the emergence of this broad framework, debates have persisted regarding the extent to which the Irish growth model provides the foundation for sustainable and equitable economic development. In light of this, this paper, taking the Celtic Tiger period and subsequent recovery period as a case study, explores the reasons behind the successful stabilization and reproduction of the Irish growth model. Drawing on regulationist and neo-Gramscian perspectives, and utilizing historical-materialist policy analysis and critical discourse analysis approaches, it investigates both the durability of Irish economic growth driven by foreign investment, and the resilience of neoliberalism in steering both policymaking and public discourse in the Irish state. This study demonstrates that despite the severity of the Irish economic crisis between the late-2000s and early-2010s, Irish neoliberal orthodoxy – understood as neoliberal hegemony – ultimately endured. In explaining this, it points to economic path dependency; the strategies of the political elites and the media; the broader international context; and the lack of viable opposition as key factors in the ultimate stabilization and reproduction of Ireland’s neoliberal, foreign-led model of capitalist development.How can the concept of gender knowledge explain the gendered nature of the European Recovery Fund “NextGenerationEU”?
https://kobra.uni-kassel.de:443/handle/123456789/14048
The Covid-19-pandemic reproduced many long-existing gender inequalities and created new ones: women are over-represented in underpaid sectors such as the health care sector and were faced with the double burden of paid and reproductive work in the household, when kindergartens closed. As an answer to the global pandemic, the European Union (EU) implemented a recovery package, the #NextGenerationEU (NGEU) Fund. However, this fund reproduces existing gender inequalities, as most of the money is directed to male-dominated sectors whereas the care-sector, where many women work, is left out. To explain this phenomenon, the concept of gender knowledge by the sociologist Andresen and Dölling will be applied to show that the underlying assumptions of gender and its connection to economic topics can be regarded as the root for these unequal policies. By referring to the analyses of the European Semester by Cavaghan and O’Dwyer (2018), the most crucial economic governance regime, and on the analysis of the European Parliament by Elomäki (2021), it can be shown that the EU institutions focus on the productive factor paradigm, leaving out the reproductive sector. This neoliberal perspective on gender equality can also be seen in the NGEU Fund. To embed a more critical gender perspective into the EU, a critical gender definition has to be introduced in the process of the European Semester. Moreover, depending on the political group dominating in the European Parliament, this institution can also be a pivotal actor in integrating a more critical gender perspective.
2022-08-01T00:00:00ZDietzfelbinger, AntoniaThe Covid-19-pandemic reproduced many long-existing gender inequalities and created new ones: women are over-represented in underpaid sectors such as the health care sector and were faced with the double burden of paid and reproductive work in the household, when kindergartens closed. As an answer to the global pandemic, the European Union (EU) implemented a recovery package, the #NextGenerationEU (NGEU) Fund. However, this fund reproduces existing gender inequalities, as most of the money is directed to male-dominated sectors whereas the care-sector, where many women work, is left out. To explain this phenomenon, the concept of gender knowledge by the sociologist Andresen and Dölling will be applied to show that the underlying assumptions of gender and its connection to economic topics can be regarded as the root for these unequal policies. By referring to the analyses of the European Semester by Cavaghan and O’Dwyer (2018), the most crucial economic governance regime, and on the analysis of the European Parliament by Elomäki (2021), it can be shown that the EU institutions focus on the productive factor paradigm, leaving out the reproductive sector. This neoliberal perspective on gender equality can also be seen in the NGEU Fund. To embed a more critical gender perspective into the EU, a critical gender definition has to be introduced in the process of the European Semester. Moreover, depending on the political group dominating in the European Parliament, this institution can also be a pivotal actor in integrating a more critical gender perspective.Striking for the Common Good
https://kobra.uni-kassel.de:443/handle/123456789/14038
The re-emergence of massive strikes in the public education sector, predominantly in the more conservative, union-weak American South, has brought seismic change to the industry and its workers. Solving the puzzle as to why these strikes were so successful against massive obstacles could beget better methods for organizing strikes in a period when neo-liberal reforms threaten public services around the world. Furthermore, an understanding of why these strikes were successful can contribute to the contemporary discourse on the role of unions and different strategies in strikes. To explore this topic, this paper uses labor theory on communal involvement, power resources of unions, and organizing tactics, to guide analysis. This paper uses a regression analysis to evaluate the relationship between key strike statistics and the wage outcomes of the strike as a measure of strike success. To bring in relevant context and analyze broader theories, interviews are conducted with participants of key strikes. This paper finds that the participation percentage of the workforce, the power of the union involved, the duration, and the student-to-striker ratio have a strong relationship with the strike-wage outcome. Of these variables, the power of the union involved has the only negative relationship with the strike-wage outcome. Furthermore, the relationship between significant variables and the strategy employed in preparation for and during the strike, shows evidence of a relationship between alliances with the community and a strong strike-wage outcome. These findings have implications for theories of the power resources approach of unions and a host of theories related to strike costs and gains. I conclude that further research and data collection should be conducted to expand the explanatory value, applicability and quality of these regression results.
2022-08-01T00:00:00ZBerlovitz, GabrielThe re-emergence of massive strikes in the public education sector, predominantly in the more conservative, union-weak American South, has brought seismic change to the industry and its workers. Solving the puzzle as to why these strikes were so successful against massive obstacles could beget better methods for organizing strikes in a period when neo-liberal reforms threaten public services around the world. Furthermore, an understanding of why these strikes were successful can contribute to the contemporary discourse on the role of unions and different strategies in strikes. To explore this topic, this paper uses labor theory on communal involvement, power resources of unions, and organizing tactics, to guide analysis. This paper uses a regression analysis to evaluate the relationship between key strike statistics and the wage outcomes of the strike as a measure of strike success. To bring in relevant context and analyze broader theories, interviews are conducted with participants of key strikes. This paper finds that the participation percentage of the workforce, the power of the union involved, the duration, and the student-to-striker ratio have a strong relationship with the strike-wage outcome. Of these variables, the power of the union involved has the only negative relationship with the strike-wage outcome. Furthermore, the relationship between significant variables and the strategy employed in preparation for and during the strike, shows evidence of a relationship between alliances with the community and a strong strike-wage outcome. These findings have implications for theories of the power resources approach of unions and a host of theories related to strike costs and gains. I conclude that further research and data collection should be conducted to expand the explanatory value, applicability and quality of these regression results.Is the Mafia a State Apparatus?
https://kobra.uni-kassel.de:443/handle/123456789/13453
Starting from the relations of production, this paper examines the role of mafia for the preservation of social power and class relations in Sicily. To this end, the concept of the informal state apparatus is introduced. Following the approach of Critical Grounded Theory, this paper proposes to fill explanatory gaps in conventional mafia research by means of Nicos Poulantzas’ historical materialist state theory. In-depth field research confirms the systematic generation of irregularity through conditions in which it is made almost impossible for many to obtain a regular residence permit and/or regular work. As the analysis shows, mafia adopts a complex role as an informal state apparatus: on the one hand, it functions as a scapegoat. On the other hand, it cushions conflicts and contradictions within the capitalist state. By examining mafia as an informal state apparatus, the dysfunctionality of migration management in the Mezzogiorno can be understood as an expression of statehood, rather than the absence of it.
2021-12-01T00:00:00ZFrickel, MiryamStarting from the relations of production, this paper examines the role of mafia for the preservation of social power and class relations in Sicily. To this end, the concept of the informal state apparatus is introduced. Following the approach of Critical Grounded Theory, this paper proposes to fill explanatory gaps in conventional mafia research by means of Nicos Poulantzas’ historical materialist state theory. In-depth field research confirms the systematic generation of irregularity through conditions in which it is made almost impossible for many to obtain a regular residence permit and/or regular work. As the analysis shows, mafia adopts a complex role as an informal state apparatus: on the one hand, it functions as a scapegoat. On the other hand, it cushions conflicts and contradictions within the capitalist state. By examining mafia as an informal state apparatus, the dysfunctionality of migration management in the Mezzogiorno can be understood as an expression of statehood, rather than the absence of it.